The Warao relationship system is not incompatible with cross-cousin marriage. Although it has an undisputable Hawaiian cousin terminology, the kinship terms on the G+1 are of a bifurcate collateral type and therefore distinguish between relatives on the fathers side and those on the mothers side.

This emphatically does not mean "a structural change in Warao society from a [previous] two-section system of symmetric prescriptive alliance towards a cognatic and preferential system," as Suá rez (1971:115) would have it. While the Warao kinship system is definitely cognatic and preferential, there is not a bit of evidence that it has developed from a formerly symmetric prescriptive alliance.

When this argument came up more than 25 years ago, I was utterly unprepared to discuss matters of kinship and relationship systems, being interested mainly in tribal economic systems and applied anthropology, but I felt quite uneasy with the claim for two reasons: 1) several years of fieldwork among the Warao had taught me that a so-called two-section system, also known as Dravidian or general Amazonian system, did correspond neither to the general feeling of the Warao kinship system nor to the actual marriage alliances, and 2) because of the rather unreliable field data Suárez had produced (1971:99)(1).

As later research should show, Suárez's contention (1971:86) that FB=MZH; MB=FZH; MZ=FBW; and FZ=MBW is definitely in error. Reference terms for MZH, FZH, FBW, and MBW are descriptive; vocative terms equate these collaterals with F and M. Suárez says: "Los términos que utiliza Ego masculino para designar los parientes por alianza de la generación (N-1) son imprecisos y corresponden a parientes consanguíneos" (1968:117). This is true only occasionally in daily life in the house. The spouses of PG are referred to by the descriptive terms of danikatida anibora, danihota anibora (MZH) and dakatai anibora (FZH). Their address terms were in all researched cases dima (F). Likewise, dehota atida and dimuka atida (FBW) as well as daku atida (MBW) were addressed as dani (M).

Neither did Suárez have comparative data from other Warao subtribes and was thus lead to the contention that "[the Sakobana] can be said to represent the Warao alliance system" (1971:97) when, in fact, they are rather exceptional because of their kinship ties to the Amacuro region south of the R¡o Grande with their strong contingents of Arawak (Lokono) Indians(2).

As to ZD marriage, not only do the Winikina Warao inform that a man "should not marry his hido sanuka witu " (actual ZD [ witu , real]), but there are also structural data that are contradicting avuncular unions. Thus a man's WBW is called dabai mohoka ("reserve" mother-in-law). This stems from the peculiar way of marrying a younger second wife who becomes a tekoro , "assistant," to the senior wife. The tekoro generally is selected by the senior wife among her brothers' daughters. It is therefor not ZD that a man marries but WBD. As pointed out above, however, the Sakobana are exceptional and there are indeed cases of marriage with hido sanuka witu (real ZD) reported from that area (see chart).

In conclusion I would consider the supposed Iroquois features of the Warao relationship terminology such as bifurcate collateral terms in G+1 and the reported equations FB=MZH, MB=FZH, MZ=FBW, and FZ=MBW to be either insignificant or erroneous. Warao kinship structure does have the necessary elements for developing a Dravidianate relationship terminology, but there is no indication that the Warao ever did. I think it unlikely that the Warao formerly had a classical Dravidian system. Quite the contrary. It seems to me that, if anything, they acquired Iroquoianate traits later on.

In Appendix A I am presenting the revised Warao relationship terminology base on Heinen (1988) (3). In the following I would like to offer a few remarks regarding kinship systems in the Guayana highlands. But one should also keep in mind that Warao connections to that culture area are rather weak. The Warao seem in part devolved from circum-caribbean chiefdoms (Siawani), in part to belong to an archaic substratum (Waraowitu).

Kinship systems in the Guayana highlands

Kinship systems in the small-scale societies of the Guayana highlands are the most crucial component of Amerindian social organization. Their relationship systems are generally referred to as "two-line-systems" (Rivière 1984) or of the "Dravidian" type, characterized by "prescriptive cross-cousin marriage." There are ever fewer exceptions to this rule of thumb as a number of cases previously classed as having a Hawaiian cousin terminology have subsequently been reclassified as "Dravidian" (Silva Monterrey 1995:Cuadro 1). Furthermore, as a number of the highland societies were reluctant to use terms for "marriageable cross-cousin," it seemed justified to view all relationship systems in the area as variants of a single basic type.

This opens the way to a confusion between a continuum of variations on a basic theme and systems that, while sharing a general Amerindian Lowland culture, represent permutations of that theme as e.g. systems displaying Crow type and genuine Hawaiian type elements.

Kinship systems and their corresponding relationship terminologies are subject not only to structural constraints but to a complex combination of impinging factors that we should try to disassemble. They are, in no particular order and claim of being exhaustive, a) ecological factors, b) genetic-historical derivation, and c) propinquity. Ecological factors influence settlement patterns as in the case of the Pemon in the Gran Sabana area; of the Warao settlements along Delta river arms; of the Ye'kwana "churuatas" in a forest environment. The Carib-speakers of Venezuelan Guayana exhibit the typical manioc complex together with variations on the "week-end village" (Pemon); the Ye'kwana secondary homestead near their gardens; the similar Akawayo settlement pattern. As to the influence of propinquity there is no definite proof but one could suspect both the Yanomami and the Wapishana kinship system of being influenced by neighboring Carib-speakers. It is also interesting to learn that the (Arawak-speaking) Island Caribs had a Carib type kinship organization while Lokono social organization featured non-localized, exogamous, matrilineal clans (Boomert 1986:8). There is quite a possibility that the latter influenced the neighboring Warao, who have a genuinely Hawaiian type relationship terminology while exhibiting a number of Iroquois type features which they did not, however, develop in the direction of a Dravidian system.

I would submit that one real common element in South American Lowland cultures is not an underlying Dravidianate kinship structure which, as Henley (1996) has convincingly argued, is a very specialized adaptation to conditions in the headwaters and to village endogamy, but the pronounced dichotomy of the male and female domains as expressed in bifurcate terms on the G+1 level and the difference in terms for ms and ws, mainly on the G0 level.

This common element in all South American Lowland cultures might also become apparent in beliefs about conception. As Island Carib specialist Douglas Taylor has pointed out longtime ago, "[Carib beliefs about conception] may explain two ancient and widespread American-Indian practices, known as the 'couvade' and 'cross-cousin marriage'(1941). This is the topic I now turn to.

Beliefs about conception

Ostensibly, the Warao share Western ideas about the conception of children. Both parents say: mauka mahotu , "my child is my blood", i.e. equal contribution of both parents to the genetic makeup of their offspring. This is the information one gets at least in the more acculturated areas like San Francisco de Guayo (Osibu Kahunoko) and Sacupana (Sakobana). It is also in Sakobana that the kinship term harayaba for a co-brother-in-law (WZH) is also applied to the corresponding female term, i.e. for a co-sister-in-law (HBW). And there are other differences regarding the avoidance taboo that will be referred to below (see also Heinen 1993).

Nevertheless, narratives about particular cases, the etymology regarding terms for orphans, children of defunct males, and ritual kinship, reveal a different picture. Here it appears that conception for the Warao requires repeated intercourse and also, that the semen of different fathers (genitors) may contribute to the gestation of the fetus, as has been reported from numerous sources on Lowland South America, especially regarding Carib speakers (Arvelo-Jim,nez 1974:84; Dole 1984:49; Thomas 1982:63; see also RiviSre 1969:62-3; for a partial exception see Basso 1973:75-76), but also, in somewhat different forms, among the G, Tukano, Tupi, and others (�rhem 1981:178; Crocker 1984:71, 90; Goldman 1979:166; C. Hugh-Jones 1979:15-16, 221; Jackson 1983:188-189; Murphy & Murphy 1974:102; Viveiros de Castro 1992:179-181, also 360 n3-4, 374 n11; Wagley 1977:133-135). Not all sources are unequivocal, but the basic idea depict women as a vessel, as we will see below was the case with the Ye'kwana.

The most clear-cut cases can be seen in the model of Carib-speakers, as these are also the ones that exhibit the most ideal-typical "Amazonian" relationship system. Viveiros de Castro believes in "a cultural substratum common to all of Amazonia" (1996:187) and, as he has pointed out, "it has become increasingly evident that the sociological, linguistic, and cultural units of the continent are combinatory variants of a structure that operates with the same basic symbolic materials" (1992:5). What these materials are has so far remained highly speculative. I will add my own speculations in a final concluding section, but it has to be pointed out here that symbolic elements, especially those appearing in rituals, have a far wider regional distribution than social organizations and the structures used to deal with neighbors. We also have to take seriously the hypothesis that a layer of non-horticultural populations in the area (Henley et al. 1994-1996:24-25)(4) exhibits somewhat different characteristics.

In the meantime I will aim to contribute to the symposium issue with a description of Warao fictive and ritual kinship that may throw some light on the question of shared paternity and the handling of offspring in small-scale societies of northern South America.

Warao ritual kinship

The Warao share the attitude expressed in the Roman dictum pater semper incertus . Warao are bound not to marry close kin while striving to marry close by, inside the subtribe, because of the bad treatment non-related sons-in-law receive here as in other matrilocal Guayanan societies(5); they are non-relatives, awaraoana, poorly assimilated by affinal "kinship." In spite of their Hawaiian cousin terminology the Warao are able to do so by the designation of "proper brothers and sisters" as dakobo witu (B, ws) and dakoi witu (Z, ms). They are, however, forever fearful that they may marry by accident a half-sibling as dakobo witu or dakoi witu via the father's line are naminakomoni, "impossible to know." According to them, it is only when malformations in the offspring occur, that people become aware that a man has unknowingly married a half-sister.

The co-habitation of women by deception with namoni ("naguales"), such as the river-inhabiting nabarao may also lead to malformations and ensuing infanticide (Barral 1964).

Warao men do not like their women to have affairs and scenes of jealousy are quite frequent and lead to monikata quarrels (Briggs 1996). Sometimes, offspring is referred to disapprovingly as dimamana, "of two fathers," but not all cases of dimamana fall under this category. Such is the case when a woman is voluntarily ceded, especially by a seriously ill man, to a brother (or cousin). In this case the number of relatives feeling responsible for the infant increases positively.

Another case of shared paternity (and ensuing friendship between the two men) is that of the ritual wife-lending during the habi sanuka ritual, the "dance" of the "little rattles," a fertility rite of pan-Guayana diffusion (6). A man would spend the night dancing (and in former times co-habiting) with a woman he calls mamuse . The following day he has to provide a gift ( horo amoara , "payment of the skin") to the husband of the woman, and a lifelong friendship might ensue between the two men with resulting benefit for the offspring of amuse .

When a Warao child is born, he/she acquires right away a ritual godmother or "madrina" in the person of the woman who acts as midwife, cuts the child's umbilical cord and bathes it. She is the child's (m)anisatu (in Winikina: "the one who took me out") or (m)anabukatu (in Hobure: "the one who cut my umbilical cord"). In the ritual context the godmother is hoaratu, the one who bathes the newborn child ( horosimo , "rosy skin") at birth and cuts its umbilical cord." The child then is her godchild, hoarabita, "the one she bathed", for life(7).

Warao girls of the Winikina area have still other godparents. These are the ahotarani ( hotu arani or "mother of the blood") and up to five men called ahotarima ( hotu arima or "father of the blood")(8). These people enter into the preparations of the rituals at menarche of a girl and establish therewith a ritual kinship relation (Suárez 1968:207; Heinen 1972:268). These godparents must not be close relatives of the girl and the men enter into a speaking avoidance with the girl they sponsor similar to that existing between a son-in-law ( dawa ) and his mother-in-law ( dabai ), using the kin terms dawa mohoka and dabai mohoka.

After seclusion for the time of her period, the girl is seated on a bench or wooden trunk and covers her face with both hands, moho mahaya . She is then is bathed and has her hair cut close; her head is then painted red with anatta or "onoto" (Bixa orellana). This is the rite de passage from girl ( anibaka ) to nubile young woman ( iboma ), which is more important than the actual marriage ceremony. The iboma is not to marry until her hair is grown long again. Some time after the ritual, or at times after the girl is married, her father or husband make an offering of sago tortillas to the ahotarimawitu and his helpers. The men make a return gift of money or beads.

Among the Warao an orphan ( dawana ) has quite a number of relatives who potentially care for him/her, most often the maternal "grandfather" nobo . He is called in that case aidatu, the "one who brings (the child) up." A stepmother ( danitaha ) will be a dabai mohoka ("reserve" mother-in-law) to the future spouse of the child.

Succession among the Warao

There have been confusing reports on succession among the Warao and, indeed, the matter is quite complicated in principle, and may be more complicated still in practice.

At the death of the village elder, the old arahi (father-in-law), his eldest child succeeds him as village chief ( aidamo ) if there are grown children. If the death of arahi is premature, chances are that there is still a paramount chief in the village and the mother-in-law ( dabai ) will be the head of the household unit until one of the children is grown and in turn has married children. If the oldest child is a woman, she will be chief until her own children are grown and in turn are married. At that time her husband, now a mature man ( daomata ), will act as chieftain.

A correlate to this arrangement is that both the old father-in-law and his daughters are called dahi by female in-laws. The old man usually has a 3rd.p.poss. attached ( arahi ) and his daughters are called dahi and dahi sanuka by the wives of the old man's sons, depending on the relative age of dahi in relation to their husbands. The term is reciprocal and from the point of view of the daughter-in-law depends on relative age(9).

Relatives of the same sex and shared paternity

Among the Warao all relatives of the same sex are called kayaba, "our common offshoot," especially those of the same generation. In contrast, relatives not of the same sex are called kayabayana , "not of the same shoot." This is a clear sign that the sexes are considered as fundamentally different (and so in some cases might lead to a rule of cross-cousin marriage).

There is an interesting term for the "children of several fathers," namely kayabauka , "child of our shoot, our generation." This term has been interpreted (in the modern context) by Barral (1979:256) as "hijo de puta," implying a lose lifestyle of the mother, but this interpretation is not necessarily to the point. Generally, kayabauka has a positive meaning as the literal translation shows, and only in marginal cases has it taken on a negative denotation.

Due to short life-spans and high morbidity, there are among the Warao numerous sets of half-siblings. Warao men are quite conscious about sets of children fathered by a previous husband now defunct. The firstborn child of any man is nibora anoboto iwarawara , including if the woman is a widow and already has children. In that case one may specify and say kwasikamo iwarawara , "the first from a given point on," as was explained in a narrative by Winikina bahanarotu -shaman Antonio Lorenzano (26-11-77, see Heinen et al. in press) about the old wisiratu -shaman José Ramírez who was killed by a jaguar and left a pregnant second wife behind whose son now was regarded as asibi Ramire auka , "half the son of Ramírez."

Ideas about conception and relationship systems: An ideal-typical comparison

Classical "Dravidian" or General Amazonian relationship systems are those of Carib-speakers in the Guayana Highlands such as the Pemon (Thomas 1982) and Ye'kwana (Arvelo-Jiménez 1974, Heinen 1983-1984, Silva Monterrey 1995). They are, in the words of Viveiros de Castro (1995:15), the " locus classicus of the orthodox dravidianate" (translation supplied, see also Henley 1996:5).

Today no Ye'kwana would argue that a child could possibly have several genitors (Silva Monterrey, pers. communication 1995). During fieldwork in the Upper Erebato in the late 70s and early 80s, however, this author has talked to older Ye'kwana men who reported on shared paternity (among brothers [cousins]) eligible to be a future husband of a given woman.

At that time the view of the role of a woman in gestation was still a traditional one and agreed with the image of the womb as a "recipient," wini ?. To this day there are a few Amerindian societies where women are supposed to be in one place and men in the other, such as among the Ye'kwana, at the same time as Ye'kwana women are quite independent minded. That an attitude such as this could lead to the classification of parallel cousins into one status and cross-cousins into another, seems quite straight-forward.

Appendix A

WARAO RELATIONSHIP TERMINOLOGY

Warao Terms International Symbol Warao Description

Terms for consanguines:

1) nesenobo PPF, male relative dima anobo, dani anobo of G+3

2) nesenatu PPM, female relative dima anatu, dani anatu of G+3

3) nobo PF, male relative dima arima, dani arima of G+2

4) natu PM, female relative dima arani, dani arani of G+2

5) dima F dima

6) dehota FeB dima arahe (1)

7) dimuka FyB dima araka

8) daku MB dani arakobo dani arakobo sanuka

9) dani M dani

10) danihota MeZ dani araiba (2)

11) danikatida MyZ dani arahia

12) dakatai FZ dima arakoi dima arakoi sanuka

13) dahe eB, PGSe (ms) dahe

14) daka yB, PGSy (ms) daka

15) dakoi eZ, PGDe (ms) dakoi

16) dakoi sanuka yZ, PGDy (ms) dakoi sanuka

17) dakobo eB, PGSe (ws) dakobo

18) dakobo sanuka yB, PGSy (ws) dakobo sanuka

19) daiba eZ, PGDe (ws) daiba

20) dahia yZ, PGDy (ws) dahia

21) auka GS, male relativeof G-1 (with the auka, dahe auka, daka aukaexception of 23) dakobo auka,dakobosanuka auka,daiba auka, dahia auka

22) aukatida GD, female relative of G-1 (with the aukatida, dahe aukatida, exception of 23) daka aukatida, dakobo aukatida, dakobo sanuka aukatida, daiba aukatida, dahia aukatida

23) hido, ZC (ms) dakoi auka,dakoi sanuka auka hido sanuka dakoi aukatida, dakoi sanuka aukatida

24) natoro CC auka auka, auka aukatida, relative of G-2, G-3 aukatida auka,aukatida aukatida, natoro auka, natoroaukatida

Terms for affines:

25) arahi (3) WF, HF tida arima,nibora arima

26) dabai WM, HM, WBW tida arani, nibora aranidami sanuka atida

27) nibora H (ws) nibora

28) tida, tatu W, co-W (ms) tida

29) tekoro HW (only reference) hanoko arotu atekoro

30) damitu ZH (ms) dakoi aniboradakoi sanuka anibora

31) dami sanuka WB (ms) tida arakobotida arakobo sanuka

32) behetida WZ, BW (ms) tida araiba, tida arahia dahe atida, daka atida

33) harayaba WZH (ms) behetida anibora (4)

34) dahi BWe (ws) dakobo atida (5) HeZ (ws) nibora arakoi

35) dahi sanuka BWy (ws) dakobo sanuka atida HyZ (ws) nibora arakoi sanuka

36) bayaratu HB, ZH (ws) nibora arahe, nibora arakadaiba anibora, dahia anibora

37) dawa DH, DDH, (SDH), HZH aukatida anibora, natoro anibora, nibora aramitu

38) natoarani SW auka atida (6)

39) dimataha MH (=/ F) dani anibora

40) danitaha FW (=/ M) dima atida

41) aukataha ES tida auka, nibora auka

42) aukatidataha ED tida aukatida, nibora aukatida

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Endnotes

(1) While the genealogical data presented by Suárez are accurate, the underlying census data were quite erroneous as shown by the material collected in the 1960s by an IVIC/UCLA team (see Salas & Heinen 1980:227-245).

(2) Several individuals in the Sakobana/Naba Sanuka area carry the nickname "el Arawaco" and Carlos Torres, the headman of Moninoko village, was found to carry the Diego gene (Dia+), atypical for the general Warao population.

(3) Symbols used are those proposed by Barnard & Good (1984:5).

(4) One should probably not look for too close a genetic-historical relationship among these groups as they are bound to be characterized by heterogeneity, in contrast to far-flung manioc based fluvial travellers.

(5) This leads to the designation in Cariban languages of slaves or servants as poitos, "sons-in-law" (not the other way round). In the Pemon area of Kamarata a son-in-law is poitoru.

(6) Pemon: parichara (Heinen, fieldnotes 1997; Ye'kwana: wasai jadu (Heinen 1983-1984, fieldnotes 1982).

(7) In his very valuable dictionary Barral (1979:206, 322) reverses the terms and gives hoarabita and nabukatu as godchild, "ahijado." This might possibly be a regional variation, but probably is a mistake (see also 1979:284, where Barral apparently contradicts himself). Equally, hoaratu is the godmother and the term is not related to witchcraft or equal to hoa awaratu as claimed by Barral (1979:206).

(8) This institution is not known in the Wayo/Hobure area.

(9) The latter reasoning applies mainly to the Sakobana area where matrilocality is not as rigidly followed as in Winikina (due to the Arawak influence).

(1) Dehota is solely FeB ( dima arahe ) and not, as stated by Suárez (1971:84), FZH or MZH. The same holds for the terms dimuka and daku .

(2) As stated in footnote 1 for dehota etc., danihota is solely MeZ and not also FBW or MBW. The same holds for the terms danikatida and dakatai . They are not also FBW or MBW.

(3) In Winikina always with the suffix a (3 pers. poss.).

(4) In Sakobana also HBW (ws).

(5) The terms dahi and dahi sanuka with the meaning of BW (ws) and HZ (ws) are not mentioned by Suárez but are listed in Wilbert (1958) and Vaquero (1965). The term tekoro (co-W) was not mentioned in previous publications.

(6) Natoarani , literally, "mother of grandchildren."

Congresos en CDROM - Versión 2.2 - ON-LINE
Equipo NAyA - 2002

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