THE VIKING SETTLEMENTS IN GREENLAND FROM A MARITIME
PERSPECTIVE.
Por Marek Jasinski y Fredrik Søreide
Arqueologia Subacuatica
THE VIKING SETTLEMENTS IN GREENLAND FROM A MARITIME PERSPECTIVE.
Marek E. Jasinski
Institute of Archaeology
Norwegian University of Science and Technology
7491 Trondheim
Norway
Fredrik Søreide
Department of Marine System Designs
Norwegian University of Science and Technology
Marine Technology Center
7491 Trondheim
Norway
Paper presented at the VIKING MILLENNIUM INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM, St. John`s,
Newfounland, September 2000
1. INTRODUCTION
The debate concerning the fate of the Norse settlements in Greenland has not been concluded. Old Icelandic and Norwegian sagas and medieval historical annals indicate that the first colonization of south-west Greenland can be dated to the end of the 10th century when Erik the Red sailed from Iceland and settled at Bratthalid, while Gardar was established in the next fjord (Fig 1). Gardar later became the first and only Episcopal residence in Greenland, subordinate to the archbishop in Trondheim, Norway. Gardar and Bratthalid were the center of the so-called Eastern Settlement, while a so-called Western Settlement was later established near the present capital Nuuk. It has been estimated that as many as 5000 people can have lived in these two settlements in Greenland.
However, in the 14th century the Western Settlement seized to exist, followed by the Eastern Settlement in the 15th century, and the Norse disappeared. The last piece of written evidence concerning the Norse in the Eastern Settlement describes a wedding in Hvalsøy church in AD 1408. The exact date of the final extinction is, however, unknown and so far no satisfactory explanation(s) has been given on the cause(s) of the final extinction. Several possible causes have been suggested for example:
1. Climate deterioration
2. Emigration to Newfoundland or Iceland/Europe
3. Raids by European pirates
4. Battles with Inuits
5. Diseases including the Black Death
Climate theories argue that Greenland must have experienced favorable climatic conditions in the Late Holocene Period (AD 800-1000). Favorable ice-free conditions for transatlantic shipping between Iceland and Greenland must therefore have prevailed at the time of Norse colonization of Greenland. However, numerous indications have been found in the Northern Hemisphere pointing to a severe climate deterioration (or the Little Ice Age, AD 1350-1850) by which these conditions with vineyards in England and fields of wheat and barley in south Iceland came to an end (Lamb, 1994). Greenland probably experienced a climatic peak around 975, followed by extremely severe winters from 1350. This corresponds to the time period when the Western Settlement and later the Eastern Settlement were abandoned.
It is known from medieval Icelandic sagas that after the first period of colonization, sea ice off south-east Greenland significantly expanded, causing growing problems to Norse shipping between Iceland and Greenland. As described by Dansgaard et.al. (1989), cold climate conditions in central Greenland, as revealed by the ice core records, are characterized by dry and very stormy weather conditions, thus providing further evidence for adverse sailing conditions. Stuiver et.al. (1995) found in their study of ice cores that cold conditions prevailed between ca. AD 1350 and 1800, with the extremes of temperature lowering dated at AD 1720. They dated the warm peak at AD 975, i.e. close to the time of the Norse colonization. Until now, however, firm evidence for a direct link between the climate deterioration and the loss of the Eastern Settlement has not existed, as onshore palynological investigations on the site of the settlement has failed to demonstrate an abrupt and dramatic climate change in this area.
2. MARITIME ARCTIC - A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The sea has always played a significant role for cultural development. In fact, not a single region of the world has managed to avoid the influence of the maritime sphere upon its history. The interactive processes in which the potential of the sea functions as a motivator and stimulant in the historical development of particular populations have influenced even areas situated far away from the coast, at least indirectly (Jasinski, 1992).
The importance of the sea is characterized by its nature. Even viewed simply as a reservoir of salt water, the sea is still an important factor, since, by its sheer size alone (covering as it does 2/3 of the planet) it influences our civilization. However, the sea is much more than simply a reservoir of undrinkable water: the sea is alive in both the biological and philosophical senses.
From the very outset, people have exploited the resources of the sea, becoming, through the passing millennia, more and more dependent upon it. This situation continues today, and we can observe on a daily basis the ever-increasing priority given by present society to more efficient exploitation of the oceans.
The sea has therefore also been an important political factor. The history of many regions reveals determined struggles to secure access to the coastlines. This in turn granted access to its resources as well as opening a door to the outside world, encouraging trade and expansion. The assimilation of the sea into social life has always had supreme importance for technological development; for example in boat- and shipbuilding. In addition to such technical-economical aspects, the sea has influenced developments in other spheres of society, such as social structures, mythology and religion, language and communication, and the role of gender within the ideology of particular populations.
The Arctic has, by virtue of its natural environment, belonged to those regions of the world whose connections and interaction with the sea are strongest. This is especially the case in the High Arctic, although the "maritime model of existence" also has determined the pattern of life to a fundamental degree in sub-Arctic areas. This occurred simply because in these regions the term the sea is synonymous with the terms life and survival. Conversely, the sea can just as well mean death, and this paradoxical association has had a great impact on the ontological sphere of each inhabitant (Jasinski, 1992).
Speaking of our relationship with the sea, we must always keep in mind that it concerns much more than utilization. The relationship is a fundamental process, which among other things has resulted in people developing a cognitive, mental connection to the sea and to other sea-related aspects of their surroundings. Archaeology as a field of research must acknowledge this situation and accept the consequences, i.e. incorporate these problems into its own research spectrum. In order to understand the position of the maritime sphere in people's ontological space, we have to look beyond the fact that they ate fish, sailed in boats, and enjoyed the beauty of the sun rising above the sea (Jasinski, 1992).
Archaeology has a very important role to perform within humanistic research of the Arctic region. Unfortunately tracing and studying maritime foundations of particular arctic cultures like for instance the Norse settlements in Greenland have no tradition within the European archaeological practice.
A survey of the archaeological literature regarding the Norse period and Greenland's history clearly illustrates this situation. Research efforts related to the Norse society in Greenland have focused on farming and animal husbandry. Most archaeologists and historians have used a purely terrestrial perspective forgetting that the reality in an Arctic region is in fact determined by the maritime sphere (see for instance Keller (1989) for a list of important literature). Even if such aspects as fishing and sea-mammal hunting are mentioned as an important part of the Norse survival strategy in Greenland, the maritime perspective is very limited in the studies of the historical processes.
There are, however, two exceptions - publications by the two great Norwegian explorers Fridtjof Nansen (1911) and Helge Ingstad (1959). For both Nansen and Ingstad it was clear that the maritime aspects of the Norse economy in Greenland in fact were more important than animal husbandry. Both Nansen and Ingstad also included this point in their divagations concerning the decline of the Norse settlement, concluding that a growing interaction between the Norse and the Inuits had to have, in one way or another, an impact on the Norse settlements in Greenland.
However, Nansen and Ingstad do not give any reasons for their maritime statements. Probably they simply did not consider it necessary. Their tremendous first-hand experience from Arctic regions combined with detailed knowledge regarding the written sources made it unnecessary - it was too obvious to write about. Because of it their studies are lacking what we would call today a theoretical framework for the maritime aspects. To remedy this the present authors would like to propose some principles as described below.
2.1. Some principles
Our planet consists of two main elements: the sea, which is the biggest one, and land. The single fact that human beings cannot survive in the water, although the sea is a tremendous supplier of food and other resources, creates pressure on the smaller element - the land - to support human social structures. This is an old principle dating from prehistoric times and still existing today.
The development of modern society has been based on the principle of land ownership. Ownership of land and its resources establishes terrestrial oriented social structures, including economical and political control. A terrestrial oriented social structure and cultural practice is, as a rule, mirrored in the cognitive part of the particular culture including such aspects as mythology, religion and language. The land ownership principle can, however, only exist as long as the land can deliver the resources needed to keep the society alive and accumulate a resource surplus. For most populations that have surpassed the purely hunting-gathering level of cultural development this has been the case in areas where farming or animal husbandry has been possible.
For coastal areas the situation is somewhat more complicated. Populations living along the coasts also utilize marine resources, which in fact are richer and easier accessible than land resources for populations with the adequate technology at their disposal. But still the sea is a dynamic element which it is difficult to include into the ownership principle. Therefore most coastal populations have also based their social structure on land-ownership as long as the land at least has delivered parts of the necessary supplies and resources. Even in less fertile areas like Northern Norway, Northern Russia (see for example Jasinski 1993; Jasinski & Ovsyannikov 1998), Iceland etc., this has clearly been the case.
In such areas the sea is often delivering most of the resources needed but as long as the land is delivering something, the social structure is based on land ownership. The static and "solid" land which can be divided by borders functions much better in the eternal struggle to structure the world and the social ontological room by ownership code. Here we can define the next principle: in these regions the sea delivers most of the resources but the ownership of land provides the prestige and social power.
But what happens when the land no longer delivers any valuable resources in such areas? Then the ownership of land will simply loose its meaning. The population will be forced to turn totally to the marine way of living, which in itself would not be a problem because of previous experience and available marine technology, but the established land based social structure, the whole ontological world order, social co-existence, organization and perception will disintegrate and collapse. What such destruction would mean for a particular population is not difficult to imagine.
In our opinion Greenland is an attractive area to study such phenomena. Our marine research carried out there in 1998 and the results of later analyses have established an initial set of data worth an initial consideration.
3. FIELD WORK 1998
The main goal of the field work in 1998 was to conduct the first marine investigations in the central waters of the Eastern Settlement. The project was carried out between 24. August and 10. September 1998, using the 61 m long German research vessel Poseidon (Fig 2). The project entitled "Climate change and the Viking age fjord environment of the Eastern Settlement, south-west Greenland" was an investigation in two fjords off the Eastern settlement, near Bratthalid and Gardar (Kuijpers et.al, 1997). The project was carried out to reconstruct the Late Holocene marine environmental changes focusing on the transition from the Medieval warm period to the Little Ice Age. In addition the project also tried to locate possible marine archaeological remains from the Norse period.
The project was a co-operation between the Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland, GEOMAR Institute for Marine Geosciences in Kiel, the National Museum of Denmark, the National Museum and Archive of Greenland in Nuuk, the Alfred-Wegener-Institute for Polar and Marine Research, Southampton Oceanography Center, University of Iceland in Reykjavik and the Norwegian University of Science and Technology in Trondheim.
The main task was to collect sediment cores from south-west Greenland inshore and coastal waters to study the impact of a large-scale climate change on the hydrographic conditions of the Eastern Settlement waters. It is evident that impacts like a more persistent ice cover could have had large effects on the availability of living resources, and on navigation, both crucial factors for the survival of the local population. Using primarily acoustic techniques a further objective was to locate possible underwater cultural heritage as for example shipwrecks, lost cargo, submerged constructions etc. from the Norse period and document targets further with a remotely operated vehicle (ROV).
The target area was the waters immediately adjacent to the largest and most important Norse living centers in the Eastern Settlement, i.e. Bratthalid and Gardar. These settlements were inhabited by the most distinguished members of the community and church. It is therefore a possibility that these areas can contain underwater remains from the Norse period that can improve the knowledge of the cultural and maritime history of the period, and add to what is already known from previous studies carried out on land. As shipping has been a prerequisite for transport, the main target was shipwrecks. Although shipwrecks are predominantly found in shallow water, possible wreck-sites in deep water can also exist. The deep water sites can also be better preserved and protected from the destruction of ice. The route from Iceland to Greenland was considered extremely rough and the sagas mention special ships that were used for this route. The sagas also mention several shipwrecks but their positions are usually only: "on the way to Greenland" or "in Greenland". However, one exact position exists, for Arnbjørn's ship, which was wrecked on the East Coast of Greenland in 1125. It was partly salvaged but the discovery of money led to a family war between rival claimants. No attempt has been made to locate this site.
Because of the relative sea level rise due to subsidence of southern Greenland since the Norse period, it should also be possible to find submerged constructions from the Norse period. This is most clearly observed in the vicinity of Herjolfsnes, where most ships bound for Greenland often arrived (Fig 1). Here, most of the southern parts of the graveyard have been inundated. Also in Sandnes in the Western settlement, buildings are known to be located under water.
3.1. Shipboard techniques
Since the target areas were mainly uncharted, bathymetric information had to be collected by the Royal Danish Administration of Navigation and Hydrography in 1998 prior to the project. The water depth in the Tunnuliarfik fjord (Fig 1) is on average 300 m, but in some areas the depths can reach almost 400 m. The southern part of the Igaliko fjord is around 415 m, but it gradually becomes shallower towards the north. The water temperature at around 285 m was found to vary between 1-3 degrees Celsius (Hoffmann et.al, 1999).
Information was first collected on the upper subsurface structure of the seafloor in the survey areas to locate suitable coring sites with high sediment accumulation rates. A high resolution sediment echo-sounding (sub-bottom profiling) system consisting of an 18 kHz pinger as well as a CHIRP system were used for this purpose. Concurrently a deep tow 59 kHz EG&G sidescan sonar with a 600 m range was used in the deep parts of the fjords, to about 300 m depth. To avoid reworked sediments not suitable for high resolution paleoenvironmental reconstruction, the cores had to be collected from depths larger than the ice grounding depth, and the sidescan sonar was used to determine the late Holocene maximum ice grounding depths, or possible areas with trawling marks.
When suitable coring sites had been discovered, the coring was done using a 6 m long gravity corer and a Reinecke box-corer (Fig 3). The collected sediment samples have now been partially analyzed by Risø National Laboratory in Denmark and Aarhus University (Kuijpers et.al, 1999).
3.2. Archaeological site investigations
The sidescan data was analyzed continuously on board to locate possible cultural remains on the seabed. However, only one possible archaeological site was located in 80 m depth, in the Igaliko Fjord. This site was investigated with the ROV (Fig 4), based on methods that have been developed at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology in the past few years (Jasinski et.al, 1995; Søreide & Jasinski 1998; Jasinski 1999; Søreide, 1999). A scanning sonar mounted on the ROV was used to relocate the site on the seafloor and the video cameras were used to document the site features. The target turned out to be a 30 m long and 2 m high pile of sediment on the seabed, very similar in shape to a wreck-site but with no visible traces of man-made objects on the surface of the mound (Jasinski & Søreide, 1999; 2000).
However, from information obtained by Pb-210 and Cs-137 measurements of the box-cores from the northern part of the Igaliko Fjord, it has now been established that the recent (last 150 years) sedimentation rate is on average 1-2 mm/year, which implies 1-2 m in the past 1000 years. This means that any wreck remains from the Norse period are covered by 1-2 m of sediment, which makes the "ridge structure" more than interesting.
Also the results from the AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectrometry) C-14 dating of 2 levels in a selected reference core (PO-243-443) confirm the Pb-210 measurements of the recent (150 years) sedimentation rates, i.e. an age of AD 1450 at 1.63 m below the top of the core (sediment surface), and an age of AD 535 at 4.69 m core depth. This implies that a mass (turbidity) flow process occurred at the transition from warmer to colder climate (middle part of the core), and any cultural remains from before AD 1450 will be covered by at least 1.60 m of sediment, as was suggested by the Pb-210 data.
However, it can at the present stage, not be said for certain that it is a Norse shipwreck in the mound, but the sidescan sonar records of the wide surroundings of the "structure" do indicate a smooth and flat seabed, without any evidence of larger (natural) ripplemarks or comparable structures around the site. It is therefore very likely that the mound covers a man-made object.
3.3. Reconstructing details of the hydrographic changes
Fig 5 shows a bathymetric map of the Igaliko Fjord with the location of core 443, which was selected for detailed studies. Fig 6 shows a diagram of the latter core showing evidence of a marked (undersea) land slide activity around the time of the beginning of the Little Ice Age (marked by arrows). That age is inferred from the Pb-210 information referred to above.
The possible causes for widespread (submarine) sliding at the transition from warmer to colder climate, i.e. around AD 1300 to AD 1400 include overstepping of sediments accumulated at shallow water depth induced by the trapping of windblown silt and sand. A distinct increase of windblown "eolian" sedimentation has been found to have occurred onshore at that time, presumably resulting from the reduction of vegetation and enhanced "freeze-drying" of (barren) soils. Other factors to explain sliding could have been increased storminess, i.e. wave action and storm surges. As for the temperature, we can indirectly deduct higher temperatures in the time interval before sliding from the fact that the magnetic susceptibility values are lower than in the upper part of the core, but that is based on rather complex reasoning.
Probably the reason for the significantly lower magnetic susceptibility values near the bottom of the core must be sought in sedimentary and physico-chemical conditions that were different from those having prevailed in the period when the silty and clayey sediments of the top unit were deposited. Tentatively, we may conclude that climate conditions, being a primary factor governing the fjord hydrography and the more regional (onshore) sedimentary processes, must have been different, i.e. most likely characterized by higher temperatures than those from the last centuries. Best evidence will come from microfossils preserved in the sediments and from stable (oxygen) isotope data, but this information will not become available until later.
3.4. Coastal drowning and climatic effects on farming
During a shallow water sidescan sonar survey in Tunnuliarfik off Bratthalid, the presence of a drowned beach was recorded at 3-4 m below present mean sea level. Although at this occasion no material was sampled for dating, it is likely that the age is not in excess of 1000 years BP. This implies that during the 500 years of the Norse settlement era large areas of the fertile lowlands along the fjords were drowned. For example, in case of the drowned beach zone off Bratthalid, the relative sea level rise probably resulted in a coastal regression over a distance of about 100 m. A gradual loss of useful land areas due to the fast relative sea level rise must have had a destructive effect on the farming and (grass) cultivation potential of the successive Norse generations living there.
Seen in combination with the gradually deteriorating weather conditions, it is likely that in addition to the coastal drowning, lower temperatures and increased winds also had a negative effect on the farmland and husbandry potential of the Norse. Major regional hydrographic changes, like for instance a more permanent ice cover, can be assumed to have had major consequences for the fjord flora and fauna, and, therefore, for the standing stocks available for hunting and fishing. The distinct increase of windblown sedimentation may have decreased the available soil and further reduced crops and farmland. Enhanced freeze-drying of soils will have made farming further difficult as plants suffered from cold-stress. The increased wind probably also increased salinity levels in the soil and made it difficult for important plants to grow, and other less useful plants probably slowly took over for existing farm plants.
4. CONCLUSIONS
The results of the field work seen in combination with our proposed theoretical framework results in some interesting preliminary conclusions, even at this early stage of research. We can propose the following scenario:
· First of all we now have final confirmation of a considerable climate
deterioration in the coastal area of south-west Greenland in the period of the
Norse settlement abandonment.
· The data regarding the coastal drowning in the same period indicate
that the land utilization of the Norse population was "attacked" by
the forces of nature. Decreasing temperatures reduced the production potential,
while increasing sea levels slowly reduced the available area. Additional factors
like increasing salinity, storms etc. made the situation even worse.
· This would, according to our theoretical framework lead to a situation
where the terrestrial side could no longer supply the population with the resources
needed. What was left on the terrestrial side was hunting of land mammals, but
even this resource was most probably influenced by the declining climatic conditions.
· In this situation the land ownership lost its role as the prestige
and social power provider. This in turn accelerated the devastation of social
structure and ontological order.
· In this position the Norse population in Greenland had in fact only
two possible solutions: Either to leave Greenland and resettle in other areas
where the land-ownership principle could be re-established or to take the last
step on the way to a purely maritime lifestyle where the social structure and
hierarchy would be based on personal hunting and fishing skills - i.e. adapt
to the social structure of their neighbors, the Inuits.
· There were undoubtedly chances to leave. Parts of the Norse population
could easily have migrated to Vinland (as suggested by Ingstad) or back to Norway
or Iceland (as suggested by both Nansen and Ingstad) where the population could
find available farmland due to the major plagues which decreased populations
living there in that period. We know for instance from the sagas that the couple
that was married in Hvalsøy church left for Iceland in 1410.
· It is, however, highly probable that at least parts of the population
chose the way of total maritime adaptation thus making the sea the most important
foundation of their existence with terrestrial hunting as a possible addition.
· In our case the maritime adaptation would, however, have important
consequences. The Inuits, who at the time of the proposed Norse maritime transformation
were close neighbors of the Norse settlement, had superior hunting skills and
technology and, even more importantly, were operating on the same hunting and
fishing grounds as the Norse. It would have been impossible to avoid competition.
This competition could (but did not have to) have had a character of aggressive
confrontation, as suggested by Inuit tales. The remaining Norse population must
at this time have been extremely vulnerable. The sheer number of Norsemen must
have been dramatically reduced, and the remaining population had to choose a
more nomadic existence in favor of their settlements and move closer to the
open cost where the sea-mammals had their breeding areas. Being superior in
marine hunting technology and skills like Arctic survival strategies, the Inuits
could easily have assimilated the remaining Norsemen into their population (as
suggested by Nansen). We have to remember that although representing the declining
culture with a devastated social culture and practice, the Norsemen still possessed
aspects of material culture that were attractive for the Inuits, like for instance
metallurgy etc. This means that the Norse population was an attractive assimilation
object rather than a subject of extermination.
· Our argument clearly shows that it was not the climate deterioration
in itself that led to the abandonment of the Norse settlement in Greenland but
rather more indirect results. The devastation of the social structure of the
Norse communities made their vulnerable arctic society founder. If the devastation
of the social practice could have been avoided the Norse population would probably
still have been strong enough to find other solutions to deal with the climate
deterioration. Alternative solutions could have been "colonization"
of the neighboring Inuit population to include it into the Norse economical
system of resource utilization. The Norse could then have become a politically
and economically dominant social group in a new mixed society. The Danish colonization
of Greenland which started just 200-250 years after the decline of the Norse
settlements clearly shows that such a conquer was possible with extremely small
efforts as long as the invading part represented an integrated and functioning
social practice based on the land ownership principle - even if the land area
supporting the social structure was situated far away from the colonized area.
The majority of the archaeological studies of the Norse settlements in Greenland have focused on terrestrial aspects of the Norse cultural development in the area. This article has proposed a reconsideration of the Norse history in Greenland from a maritime archaeological perspective. The authors have presented a theoretical framework and used it to interpret new data obtained during fieldwork in Greenland in 1998. We believe that this approach and the results are a valuable contribution to the general understanding of the destiny of the Norse population, as well as a foundation for future studies of the maritime aspects of the Norse settlements in Greenland and other arctic regions.
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